Monday, August 31, 2009

Rodacy Stoczniowcy zajmijcie Nasze Poskie Narodowe Stocznie tak dzisiaj i zacznijcie produkowac sami jak to zrobili w Argentynie. Czy to my mamy

Rodacy Stoczniowcy zajmijcie Nasze Poskie Narodowe Stocznie tak dzisiaj i zacznijcie produkowac sami jak to zrobili w Argentynie. Czy to my mamy sie od nich uczyc ale czy oni sie nauczyli od Polski?


Minister Grad NISZCZY Polskie Dobro Narodowe Klamie z pozwolenia Tuska

Tak dzisiaj na falach TVN 24

Stoczniowcy Wy co zmieniliscie kierunek historii i doprowadziliscie do wolnej Polski obudzcie sie!





Did International Money lenders destroyed Argentina 2001 and Latvia 2009?Is Latvia making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?By Lech Alex Bajan Washington DC






Cold winds are blowing through Latvia. The sun might be shining on the beautiful beaches along the Baltic Sea in this small European Union state, but the temperature of the economy is plunging below zero.)The global financial crisis has hit Latvia hard. Gross domestic product has fallen by 18% percent on an annual basis. As a response to the crisis, public- sector wages have already been lowered by 20% or more. Many schools and hospitals will be shut. The consequences are also political: Latvia's elections to the European parliament on 6 June 2009 showed increased support for the opposition.
The prime minister Valdis Dombrovskis on 9 June secured proposals for even tougher spending cuts amounting to 500 million lats ($9.92 million). This follows demands from international lenders, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Union, for state budget cuts to be reduced by an additional 10%.
Andres Borg, the Swedish finance minister, welcomed the news and - while attending a meeting of European finance ministers in Luxembourg - made clear what he expected of his Latvian colleagues: "We are pleased with a more responsible fiscal policy from Riga...now we need equally strong credibility. (The Latvian government) must do exactly what they say and the effects must be exactly what they say."
NOW this is my post from 2007 You can check?Is Latvia making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?

It was a few years ago when corporate TV stations showed a terrible situation in Argentina – a country of a stormy past, but in a pretty good shape since the introduction of global economy. Crowds of people protesting in the streets, soldiers shooting at them. Smoke, squibs, fire and unemployment surpassing 22 per cent. In 2001 Argentina was on the bottom of an abyss, from which – according to Western economists – there was no escape.
Globalists, industrialists and bankers were massively leaving the country taking away with them whatever still could be taken. The media were ordered to forget about that country and its sheer existence. In December 2001 Argentina fund herself in an economical hole into which it was pushed by its elites and globalism. The banks stopped paying out the money. Nobody was able to control the economy of the country. President Carlos Menem, previously in power, an industrialist chosen for the post in 1989, had promised Argentineans beautiful women and Ferrari cars. But through the back door he would sell out the country’s assets to foreign hands for ridiculously low prices. He borrowed large sums of money from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The citizens of Argentina, which thanks to the borrowed money was prospering like never before, cheered for their President and declared him a genius of the free market. The idyll ended when they had to start paying back the borrowed money. In 2001 the gross domestic product went down as much as 11 per cent. However, the country did not receive any additional funds or any concrete pieces of advice from the IMF. The history of Argentina is full of unsuccessful uprisings, sudden upheavals, protests and wars. It is also full of poverty of masses and unimaginable richness of a small group of the chosen ones. It is full of corruption, horrible torture and fascist prisons. But by the end of 1990s the whole world was left speechless. What was going on the streets of Argentina was a warning and a prophecy for the enthusiasts of global economy. In private the journalists were wondering how it was possible to ruin a whole country in such a short time. How was it possible that no one noticed that and no one counter-reacted? Such questions were circulating in the Internet and in private conversations. But newspapers and TV bulletins were chasing for sensation and blubbering about fiscal irresponsibility on a large scale.Average Argentineans and the new president, De la Rua, were soon to be blamed for everything. Argentina was alive and kicking, but corporate media did not want to let the public know about it. In 1999, when De la Rua was chosen President and the country had already been in recession for 3 years, conniving CNN would announce that Menem had not been re-elected because he could not enter for election for the third time, according to the constitution. However, he said that he would enter the election in 2003. Menem belonged to Peronists party, the biggest political power in Argentina. He was closely linked with the USA, globalism and free market.
The new President of Argentina had almost no move. Peronists were still in power and they attacked him from the very beginning. De la Rua asked his countrymen in his speeches: ‘Please, understand how important is unity. I want to be the President of all Argentineans.’ When economic crash came, International Monetary Fund was the first to wash their hands. Its experts claimed that Argentina spent too much Money although the country’s budget was much smaller than the budget of the USA during the Great Depression. When the economists ridiculed such an explanation, the lawyers of IMF began their attack. They claimed that Argentina had had such rights to distribute the loans to which the Fund had to adjust and which made normal economical functioning impossible. It means that the Fund wants us to believe that poor Argentina dictated them the conditions. All that show was supervised by the elites of the USA. For the last 55 years, during the whole existence of the International Monetary Fund, the voice of the United States has been decisive. Other rich member countries could easily oppose the USA in voting and win, but by some strange coincidence they never did. When we take a closer look at IMF we will find out that in fact it is only a group of lenders ruled by the American Treasury. We should not be surprised then that the American government (and the obedient American and Western media after them) unanimously stated that Argentina must be submissive to the rules imposed on her by the IMF.
Economical analysis Today we know already why Argentina’s economy collapsed, although the media do not want to say it. I am begging here for a special attention of the readers in Poland. In 1991 Menem based the country’s economy on a ‘higher’ currency which was the American dollar. A stable exchange rate of 1:1 between the dollar and the Argentinean peso was introduced. Menem hoped that the dollar would soon become the circulating currency in Argentina. It was quite a good idea at first, but soon it turned out that the value of the dollar was overrated. Automatically the value of the Argentinean peso was also overvalued. Let us pay attention how the euro is functioning in Poland. At the moment when investors figured out that the value of the peso is overrated they started fearing that it would fall. That is why they began demanding higher and higher interest rates on everything. Also on private and government loans. It caused a huge debt.
The interest rate was raised to 40 per cent. To keep up the parity on the American currency, the Argentinian government had to have adequate amount of American dollars in the banks. The more the crisis developed the more American dollars the government had to buy for a significantly overrated price. More and more people demanded transactions in cash. This process pushed Argentina into a debt of 140 billion of dollars. In December 2001 the Argentinian government announced to the world that they are not able to pay anything.
Argentina became the pariah of nations. To keep up the overrated value of the peso, International Monetary Fund gave Argentina huge loans. Only in one year to the country’s Treasury were sent 40 billion dollars as a package organised by many lending institutions. Only one basic requirement that was to guarantee that these loans would be paid off was to maintain zero budget deficit. Which meant that Argentina had to oscillate on 100 per cent of the budget. It is impossible during a recession to keep 100% of a budget, besides it takes some painful operations like serious cuts in the budget, which in turn cause high level of unemployment eventually leading to street fighting on a big scale. How did that process look like from the point of view of an average, hard-working Argentinian? At the beginning of the 1990s Argentinians were encouraged to buy almost everything.
Companies were privatized and incorporated into conglomerates.People were encouraged to build houses by giving them low-mortgage loans. People were asked to set up their own companies and those who were laid off were given compensation packages. Luxury cars were shown to the middle class and sold for very low down-payments for high-percentage loans and long-term payments. The media shouted out that the situation is so good, that everybody would be able to afford to pay off the loans on cars or houses. ‘You can have everything now – you will pay off later!’. The Argentinians – like Poles today – enjoyed the prosperity not knowing that a trap had been set up for them. After 40 years of poverty and wars they could at last have in their gardens or garages what so far they had seen in American films. With the Western capital came the people whose task was to watch its flow.
They taught Argentinians what the free market and global economy is about. Soon they had such huge influence on Argentina’s administrating structure that the country, practically speaking, lost its independence. In the situation when the American dollar was bought with the peso at the rate of 1:1, everything that was produced in Argentina (as well as services) was too expensive to be exported. The whole country – just like Poland and other countries – was literally choked to death. Import of goods was much cheaper than their production. In that way almost 10% of gross domestic product was destroyed. Mass privatizations at the beginning of the 1990s of almost all national assets for a fraction of its market value had already caused unemployment on a big scale. Mainly electricity, municipal and telecommunication companies were privatized. Globalists know very well how to do it. You start privatizing from the chosen key sectors. After that, other co-operating sectors become incompatible. Then there is no way out but to privatize all other sectors in the structure upwards. When the spiral of privatization went up, the spiral of dismissions from work went down. At the bottom there was a bigger and bigger number of unemployed people ending up with no means of living. On the scale of the country, the spiral movement up was balanced by the movement down. Finally more and more people stopped doing their shopping and the money stopped circulating. So did the taxes. Poor Argentinians did not pay taxes because they had nothing – instead, they started buying rifles. When the money stopped circulating, now privatised companies laid off more and more people to keep up the economy of their firms. Those three inter-related crisises (taxes, unemployment, overrated value of the currency) get the Argentinian government to beg IMF for help or advice. International Monetary Fund, after long negotiations, made their decision. ‘Argentina is too much in debt. We can’t help. Let us leave that country in the state of free falling into an abyss.’
Also, during many military councils the decision was made how to cut off Argentina from the outside world if the expected rebellion of armed Argentinians was to spread across the borders. This decision by IMF get the Argentinians (who foresaw the fall of the value of the peso) to rush to the banks to pay out their savings. The banks were closed, the salaries in many sectors of the country’s economy were held up. In desperation, the President declared that Argentina stopped paying off her debts. The press foretold that in the country there would be hair-raising scenes and after that they lost their interest in the matter.
The Argentinian miracle It seemed that there was no retreat for Argentina. The rats began to leave the sinking ship. President Menem left for Chile. The businessmen and their international advisors were leaving for their countries. Even small investors, whose parents had come to Argentina in search for a better life, frantically tried to get entry visas to their mother countries. Whole factories with full machinery equipment were left behind – it was not profitable to produce there anything any more. The workers were laid off with nothing. Beautiful residences with swimming-pools were left abandoned, as well as whole office blocks lined out with marble. Those who had led to that crisis were moving like locust on other fields which could still be eaten up. ’Time’ magazine was wondering: ‘What can President De la Rua do now? This is a million-dollar question. Whether alone or in a coalition, he immediately needs a plan to ease the crisis. He has to help his countrymen to fill their stomachs and, maybe, to revive economical growth. The problem is that – to ease the results of the crisis concerning poor people – the government has to spend millions of dollars on food and basic needs. And this will cause a further escalation of the financial crisis. Something must happen…’ And it did happen!
The Argentinians trusted their President who broke the negotiations with international financiers. The army, police and ordinary people lined up in support. They claimed that Argentina belonged to Argentinians, not to international financial mafia. The Argentinian government, left alone, made a decision which get the White House and international bankers furious. Against their recommendation, the exchange rate of the peso was freed. Minister of Economy, Roberto Lavagna, stated: ‘Having competitive prices of currency exchange will help our export and enable fulfillment of the country’s needs.’ They also decided to end the free market policy to which the country’s economy was a prisoner.
An economical co-operation with Brazil and China was established. Some capital started to flow to the country. The central bank began to buy the dollar again, but only as much as necessary to keep up the economic growth. When Argentina announced that after 3 years from the moment of separation from degenerated ideas of globalists she was able to pay 30 cents for every dollar of her debt and keep up her unprecedented economical growth, at first nobody believed her. Then the media were strictly forbidden to inform about it. We should not be surprised as it is a palpable proof how quickly an economy of a given country and life of its citizens can improve when they forget about globalist absurdities. In December 2004 the British ‘Guardian’ wrote: Three years ago, in December, Argentina was in crisis. The economy was rolling down uncontrolled into an abyss, banks closed their door to the investors, company presidents changed every week. Today the common opinion among the economists in Buenos Aires are that the country has left the worst behind. Yes, Argentina is still fighting with a complicated process of reconstruction of her debt, but the economy has undergone incredible changes.’
Like Phoenix, the economy has risen from the ashes. After an 11-per-cent fall in 2002, in 2003 the domestic product rose almost 9% and it will rise another 8% this year*. The government carefully announces that GDP will rise 4% in 2005, but most experts in economy believe that in fact the growth will be 5%. The assumptions of ‘free market’ were bad for jobs and employment. In 2002 the unemployment reached its peak with 22%. Now it is 12%. Whether you are faithful believers or not, some commentators say about the rise of Argentina as of a miracle which Rodrigo Rato, the director of IMF, could not cause. The hand of God turned out to be more powerful than the hand of International Monetary Fund. Now nobody is cheating any more. Another thing which is hidden by the media was the fact of absolute unification of the working class with the management class. When the factory owners closed their firms and fled to other countries, their workers and directors occupied nearby cafes and park benches. When they were sitting idly on the streets, they were discussing how to improve their life and situation of their country, doomed to fail. The employees of such abandoned factories as Zanon looked at the gates melancholically. They spent most of their lives in those factories. Finally they made up their minds. They entered the grounds of their empty and devastated factories, started the machines and began production out of the materials which were still in the warehouses. The authorities and the army looked at that almost communist-like behaviour of the people in a friendly manner. Soon department managers, office clerks and economic directors joined the turners, polishers and warehouse men. In the record-breaking time sales and export were initiated.
There were no fixed hours of work. The decisions concerning their factories were taken by the people during short production meetings. It turned out that the production is profitable and needed. What had not been profitable for globalists started to be such for common people without the help from banks and financial cartels. Soon production and sales reached their record levels in some factories. The people shared the profit with one another. They had never earned such sums of money before. So, they started to spend them. Thus building industry and other branches of industry got moving. All that happened so quickly that America did not even have enough time to declare Argentina a communist country.
The Movement of Unemployed Workers (MTD) was established. Soon this organisation had the power to influence politics. And that was yet another mystery of the Argentinian miracle. The rats come back The situation of Argentina began to improve. Globalists and factory owners began to come back and demand a return of their factories taken over by the people. Those who had left the country on the verge of a civil war 3 years before, now have some claims quoting international laws. Does that remind the Poles of something? MTD, which was created almost literally on the streets, is strong. The organization is threatening with mass demonstrations. The ceramics factory, Zanon, the first one to be taken over by its workers and revived to the state of a profitable works, has become a symbol of the new and better, like Gdansk Shipyard used to be for Poles. MTD is considered by CIA and other similar organizations as a group which managed to create the most modern strategies and solutions how to unite and defend people from capitalism. The returning rats from international financial circles are fighting back. Because Argentina constitutes a serious threat to the whole global economy, we should assume that if the USA wasn’t involved in Iraq now, the American soldiers would be defending their oil under the Argentinian grass in the name of democracy, or would be defending the freedom of their country there. Kirchner, new President of Argentina, demands the extradition of the ex-president Carlos Menem, who is in Chile. Menem is wanted by the Argentinian authorities for corruption and bringing the country to ruin. He planned to enter for the presidential election in 2007 and used to promise the factory owners to return their property. Of course, that is why he enjoys the support from international financiers and can afford to laugh at the orders and decisions of Argentinian courts of law. In January 2005 international bankers agreed to the proposal from the Argentinian government to be paid 25 cents for every dollar of the debt. An unseen thing happened – Argentina declared a war to IMF and several other globalist organizations and won. Argentina, protected by her own army, not only blackmailed the globalists, but also refused any negotiations with 700,000 holders of the state bonds. Argentina has an open way to be accepted back to the community of international societies from which she had been thrown away before. And she did it on her own conditions, as a full member, making decisions on her own. Many bankers and international investors accuse Argentina of totalitarism and cheating investors and lenders. It caused quarrels among big financiers, Italian and American among others, who claim that if it was not for 9/11, they would be talking to Argentinians in a different manner. Three months later IMF again began demanding a full payment of the debts. But Argentina was already strong enough being in economic co-operation with Brazil and China to show the bankers from Wall Street ‘the middle finger of her right hand’. Argentina started to prove to the world that about half of the creditors had already made a considerable profit on the Argentinian debts and that it was not fair that they should demand any more.This opinion was exposed by Chinese and Indian media. By the way, Argentina showed in black and white how some people tried to bring the country to bankruptcy and what it meant in practice. The British ‘Guardian’ writes: ‘Three things worked for the benefit of Argentina. First, Kirchner’s card was strong thanks to the strong economy. Secondly, the truth about IMF was being revealed, that is why they wanted a quick settlement. Thirdly, Wall Street left Argentina just before the crisis and the negotiations were led by European banks. So the American Treasury was not pressed to play hard with Argentina. Also, they did not want Kirchner to make friends with a strong populist, President of Brazil, Lula. Now many indebted countries may follow Argentina’s footsteps – and show the globalists their behind. Including Poland. And that is what the financial circles fear most. A precedence was created. A relatively non-significant country, held up against the wall, defied the wide-spread slogans of democracy, law and free market. And she won – at least so far. There has emerged a big chance for other countries. Now, when the American army is involved in Iraq, they can get rid of the yoke. You only need to want it and go for it. Just like the citizens of Argentina did, regardless of their social function, possessions and education.
Alex Lech Bajan RAQport Washington DC mailto:office@raqport.com tel USA 001-703-528-0114

Wyniki 1 - 21 spośród 21 wyników dla zapytania stocznia. (Znaleziono w 0.02 sek.)
Sytuacja w polskich stoczniach (2009-08-21)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Karol Guzikiewicz - wiceprzewodniczący Solidarności Stoczni Gdańskiej
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=17817
Co dalej z polskimi stoczniami? (2009-08-18)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Lech Wydrzyński - przewodniczący Szczecińskiego Stowarzyszenia Obrony Stoczni i Przemysłu Okrętowego w Polsce
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=17790
Co dzieje się w polskich stoczniach? (2009-08-08)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: pos. Marek Gróbarczyk, poseł do Parlamentu Europejskiego
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=17702
Wizyta Neelie Kroes w stoczniach w Szczecinie, Gdyni i Gdańsku (2009-07-11)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski, były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=17381
Formalne zatrzymanie produkcji statków w stoczniach w Szczecinie i w Gdyni (2009-05-29)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Paweł Brzezicki
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=14947
Debata stoczniowa (2009-05-14)
Rodzaj audycji: [Rozmowy niedokończone]

Autor: Marek Gróbarczyk - były minister gospodarki morskiej, Andrzej Jaworski - prezes fundacji Stocznia Gdańska
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=14877
Rząd zataił dokumenty przed Polakami (2009-04-21)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: były prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej Andrzej Jaworski, prezes stowarzyszenia Stocznia Gdańska
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=14550
Zwolnienia w stoczniach (2009-01-26)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Kpt. ż. w. Zbigniew Sulatycki
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=10672
Co dalej ze stoczniami? (2008-11-07)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=9746
Co dalej z polskimi stoczniami? (2008-10-03)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=9415
Walka o przetrwanie polskiego przemysłu stoczniowego (2008-09-19)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski - prezes fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Roman Gałęzewski - przewodniczący Solidarności Stoczni Gdańskiej
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=9248
Jaka przyszłość przemysłu stoczniowego w Polsce? (2008-08-22)
Rodzaj audycji: [Rozmowy niedokończone]

Autor: Ryszard Kwidzyński oraz Grzegorz Huszcz - b. wiceprezesi Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Lech Wydrzyński i Jerzy Corda - akcjonariusze Stoczni Szczecińskiej, Andrzej Jaworski - b. prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, Prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska, Brunon Baranowski - czło
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8926
Sytuacja w stoczniach (2008-07-09)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: prez. Andrzej Jaworski
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8524
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej cz.II (2008-06-26)
Rodzaj audycji: [Rozmowy niedokończone]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8423
Enigmatyczny program zatopienia Stoczni Gdańskiej i sprzedaży Polskiej Żeglugi Morskiej (2008-06-26)
Rodzaj audycji: [Rozmowy niedokończone]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski - b.prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej, prezes Fundacji Stocznia Gdańska; Brunon Baranowski - przew. Komisji Międzyzakładowej NSZZ Solidarność; Mieczysław Folta - kpt. Żeglugi Wielkiej, przew. Rady Pracowniczej PŻM; Paweł Kowalski - przew. Komisji
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=8422
Donald Tusk przekazuje nieprawdziwe informacje o polskich stoczniach (2007-10-09)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski - Prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=6047
Problem w polskich stoczniach (2007-01-25)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Paweł Brzezicki - Prezes Agencji Rozwoju Przemysłu
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=4129
O co walczy Stocznia Gdynia? (2006-12-02)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski - Prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=3582
Stocznia Gdańska wytoczyła proces "Gazecie Wyborczej" (2006-10-19)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski - Prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=3170
Stocznia Gdańska została oddzielona od Gdyńskiej (2006-08-22)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Paweł Brzezicki - prezes Agencji Rozwoju Przemysłu
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=2699
Co dalej z kolebką Solidarności? Obecna sytuacja w Stoczniach: Gdańskiej i Gdyńskiej. (2006-06-21)
Rodzaj audycji: [Aktualności dnia]

Autor: Andrzej Jaworski - prezes Stoczni Gdańskiej
Adres: http://www.radiomaryja.pl/audycje.php?id=2306

Saturday, July 25, 2009

Did International Money lenders destroyed Argentina 2001 and Latvia 2009?

Did International Money lenders destroyed Argentina 2001 and Latvia 2009?
Is Latvia making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?
By Lech Alex Bajan Washington DC

Cold winds are blowing through Latvia. The sun might be shining on the beautiful beaches along the Baltic Sea in this small European Union state, but the temperature of the economy is plunging below zero.
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The global financial crisis has hit Latvia hard. Gross domestic product has fallen by 18% percent on an annual basis. As a response to the crisis, public- sector wages have already been lowered by 20% or more. Many schools and hospitals will be shut. The consequences are also political: Latvia's elections to the European parliament on 6 June 2009 showed increased support for the opposition.

The prime minister Valdis Dombrovskis on 9 June secured proposals for even tougher spending cuts amounting to 500 million lats ($9.92 million). This follows demands from international lenders, including the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the European Union, for state budget cuts to be reduced by an additional 10%.

Andres Borg, the Swedish finance minister, welcomed the news and - while attending a meeting of European finance ministers in Luxembourg - made clear what he expected of his Latvian colleagues: "We are pleased with a more responsible fiscal policy from Riga...now we need equally strong credibility. (The Latvian government) must do exactly what they say and the effects must be exactly what they say."

NOW this is my post from 2007 You can check?
Is Latvia making the Argentinean mistake? Are there any similarities?



It was a few years ago when corporate TV stations showed a terrible situation in Argentina – a country of a stormy past, but in a pretty good shape since the introduction of global economy. Crowds of people protesting in the streets, soldiers shooting at them. Smoke, squibs, fire and unemployment surpassing 22 per cent. In 2001 Argentina was on the bottom of an abyss, from which – according to Western economists – there was no escape.

Globalists, industrialists and bankers were massively leaving the country taking away with them whatever still could be taken. The media were ordered to forget about that country and its sheer existence. In December 2001 Argentina fund herself in an economical hole into which it was pushed by its elites and globalism. The banks stopped paying out the money. Nobody was able to control the economy of the country. President Carlos Menem, previously in power, an industrialist chosen for the post in 1989, had promised Argentineans beautiful women and Ferrari cars. But through the back door he would sell out the country’s assets to foreign hands for ridiculously low prices. He borrowed large sums of money from the World Bank and International Monetary Fund. The citizens of Argentina, which thanks to the borrowed money was prospering like never before, cheered for their President and declared him a genius of the free market. The idyll ended when they had to start paying back the borrowed money. In 2001 the gross domestic product went down as much as 11 per cent. However, the country did not receive any additional funds or any concrete pieces of advice from the IMF. The history of Argentina is full of unsuccessful uprisings, sudden upheavals, protests and wars. It is also full of poverty of masses and unimaginable richness of a small group of the chosen ones. It is full of corruption, horrible torture and fascist prisons. But by the end of 1990s the whole world was left speechless. What was going on the streets of Argentina was a warning and a prophecy for the enthusiasts of global economy. In private the journalists were wondering how it was possible to ruin a whole country in such a short time. How was it possible that no one noticed that and no one counter-reacted? Such questions were circulating in the Internet and in private conversations. But newspapers and TV bulletins were chasing for sensation and blubbering about fiscal irresponsibility on a large scale.
Average Argentineans and the new president, De la Rua, were soon to be blamed for everything. Argentina was alive and kicking, but corporate media did not want to let the public know about it. In 1999, when De la Rua was chosen President and the country had already been in recession for 3 years, conniving CNN would announce that Menem had not been re-elected because he could not enter for election for the third time, according to the constitution. However, he said that he would enter the election in 2003. Menem belonged to Peronists party, the biggest political power in Argentina. He was closely linked with the USA, globalism and free market.

The new President of Argentina had almost no move. Peronists were still in power and they attacked him from the very beginning. De la Rua asked his countrymen in his speeches: ‘Please, understand how important is unity. I want to be the President of all Argentineans.’ When economic crash came, International Monetary Fund was the first to wash their hands. Its experts claimed that Argentina spent too much Money although the country’s budget was much smaller than the budget of the USA during the Great Depression. When the economists ridiculed such an explanation, the lawyers of IMF began their attack. They claimed that Argentina had had such rights to distribute the loans to which the Fund had to adjust and which made normal economical functioning impossible. It means that the Fund wants us to believe that poor Argentina dictated them the conditions. All that show was supervised by the elites of the USA. For the last 55 years, during the whole existence of the International Monetary Fund, the voice of the United States has been decisive. Other rich member countries could easily oppose the USA in voting and win, but by some strange coincidence they never did. When we take a closer look at IMF we will find out that in fact it is only a group of lenders ruled by the American Treasury. We should not be surprised then that the American government (and the obedient American and Western media after them) unanimously stated that Argentina must be submissive to the rules imposed on her by the IMF.


Economical analysis Today we know already why Argentina’s economy collapsed, although the media do not want to say it. I am begging here for a special attention of the readers in Poland. In 1991 Menem based the country’s economy on a ‘higher’ currency which was the American dollar. A stable exchange rate of 1:1 between the dollar and the Argentinean peso was introduced. Menem hoped that the dollar would soon become the circulating currency in Argentina. It was quite a good idea at first, but soon it turned out that the value of the dollar was overrated. Automatically the value of the Argentinean peso was also overvalued. Let us pay attention how the euro is functioning in Poland. At the moment when investors figured out that the value of the peso is overrated they started fearing that it would fall. That is why they began demanding higher and higher interest rates on everything. Also on private and government loans. It caused a huge debt.

The interest rate was raised to 40 per cent. To keep up the parity on the American currency, the Argentinian government had to have adequate amount of American dollars in the banks. The more the crisis developed the more American dollars the government had to buy for a significantly overrated price. More and more people demanded transactions in cash. This process pushed Argentina into a debt of 140 billion of dollars. In December 2001 the Argentinian government announced to the world that they are not able to pay anything.

Argentina became the pariah of nations. To keep up the overrated value of the peso, International Monetary Fund gave Argentina huge loans. Only in one year to the country’s Treasury were sent 40 billion dollars as a package organised by many lending institutions. Only one basic requirement that was to guarantee that these loans would be paid off was to maintain zero budget deficit. Which meant that Argentina had to oscillate on 100 per cent of the budget. It is impossible during a recession to keep 100% of a budget, besides it takes some painful operations like serious cuts in the budget, which in turn cause high level of unemployment eventually leading to street fighting on a big scale. How did that process look like from the point of view of an average, hard-working Argentinian? At the beginning of the 1990s Argentinians were encouraged to buy almost everything.

Companies were privatized and incorporated into conglomerates.
People were encouraged to build houses by giving them low-mortgage loans. People were asked to set up their own companies and those who were laid off were given compensation packages. Luxury cars were shown to the middle class and sold for very low down-payments for high-percentage loans and long-term payments. The media shouted out that the situation is so good, that everybody would be able to afford to pay off the loans on cars or houses. ‘You can have everything now – you will pay off later!’. The Argentinians – like Poles today – enjoyed the prosperity not knowing that a trap had been set up for them. After 40 years of poverty and wars they could at last have in their gardens or garages what so far they had seen in American films. With the Western capital came the people whose task was to watch its flow.

They taught Argentinians what the free market and global economy is about. Soon they had such huge influence on Argentina’s administrating structure that the country, practically speaking, lost its independence. In the situation when the American dollar was bought with the peso at the rate of 1:1, everything that was produced in Argentina (as well as services) was too expensive to be exported. The whole country – just like Poland and other countries – was literally choked to death. Import of goods was much cheaper than their production. In that way almost 10% of gross domestic product was destroyed. Mass privatizations at the beginning of the 1990s of almost all national assets for a fraction of its market value had already caused unemployment on a big scale. Mainly electricity, municipal and telecommunication companies were privatized. Globalists know very well how to do it. You start privatizing from the chosen key sectors. After that, other co-operating sectors become incompatible. Then there is no way out but to privatize all other sectors in the structure upwards. When the spiral of privatization went up, the spiral of dismissions from work went down. At the bottom there was a bigger and bigger number of unemployed people ending up with no means of living. On the scale of the country, the spiral movement up was balanced by the movement down. Finally more and more people stopped doing their shopping and the money stopped circulating. So did the taxes. Poor Argentinians did not pay taxes because they had nothing – instead, they started buying rifles. When the money stopped circulating, now privatised companies laid off more and more people to keep up the economy of their firms. Those three inter-related crisises (taxes, unemployment, overrated value of the currency) get the Argentinian government to beg IMF for help or advice. International Monetary Fund, after long negotiations, made their decision. ‘Argentina is too much in debt. We can’t help. Let us leave that country in the state of free falling into an abyss.’

Also, during many military councils the decision was made how to cut off Argentina from the outside world if the expected rebellion of armed Argentinians was to spread across the borders. This decision by IMF get the Argentinians (who foresaw the fall of the value of the peso) to rush to the banks to pay out their savings. The banks were closed, the salaries in many sectors of the country’s economy were held up. In desperation, the President declared that Argentina stopped paying off her debts. The press foretold that in the country there would be hair-raising scenes and after that they lost their interest in the matter.

The Argentinian miracle It seemed that there was no retreat for Argentina. The rats began to leave the sinking ship. President Menem left for Chile. The businessmen and their international advisors were leaving for their countries. Even small investors, whose parents had come to Argentina in search for a better life, frantically tried to get entry visas to their mother countries. Whole factories with full machinery equipment were left behind – it was not profitable to produce there anything any more. The workers were laid off with nothing. Beautiful residences with swimming-pools were left abandoned, as well as whole office blocks lined out with marble. Those who had led to that crisis were moving like locust on other fields which could still be eaten up. ’Time’ magazine was wondering: ‘What can President De la Rua do now? This is a million-dollar question. Whether alone or in a coalition, he immediately needs a plan to ease the crisis. He has to help his countrymen to fill their stomachs and, maybe, to revive economical growth. The problem is that – to ease the results of the crisis concerning poor people – the government has to spend millions of dollars on food and basic needs. And this will cause a further escalation of the financial crisis. Something must happen…’ And it did happen!

The Argentinians trusted their President who broke the negotiations with international financiers. The army, police and ordinary people lined up in support. They claimed that Argentina belonged to Argentinians, not to international financial mafia. The Argentinian government, left alone, made a decision which get the White House and international bankers furious. Against their recommendation, the exchange rate of the peso was freed. Minister of Economy, Roberto Lavagna, stated: ‘Having competitive prices of currency exchange will help our export and enable fulfillment of the country’s needs.’ They also decided to end the free market policy to which the country’s economy was a prisoner.

An economical co-operation with Brazil and China was established. Some capital started to flow to the country. The central bank began to buy the dollar again, but only as much as necessary to keep up the economic growth. When Argentina announced that after 3 years from the moment of separation from degenerated ideas of globalists she was able to pay 30 cents for every dollar of her debt and keep up her unprecedented economical growth, at first nobody believed her. Then the media were strictly forbidden to inform about it. We should not be surprised as it is a palpable proof how quickly an economy of a given country and life of its citizens can improve when they forget about globalist absurdities. In December 2004 the British ‘Guardian’ wrote: Three years ago, in December, Argentina was in crisis. The economy was rolling down uncontrolled into an abyss, banks closed their door to the investors, company presidents changed every week. Today the common opinion among the economists in Buenos Aires are that the country has left the worst behind. Yes, Argentina is still fighting with a complicated process of reconstruction of her debt, but the economy has undergone incredible changes.’

Like Phoenix, the economy has risen from the ashes. After an 11-per-cent fall in 2002, in 2003 the domestic product rose almost 9% and it will rise another 8% this year*. The government carefully announces that GDP will rise 4% in 2005, but most experts in economy believe that in fact the growth will be 5%. The assumptions of ‘free market’ were bad for jobs and employment. In 2002 the unemployment reached its peak with 22%. Now it is 12%. Whether you are faithful believers or not, some commentators say about the rise of Argentina as of a miracle which Rodrigo Rato, the director of IMF, could not cause. The hand of God turned out to be more powerful than the hand of International Monetary Fund. Now nobody is cheating any more. Another thing which is hidden by the media was the fact of absolute unification of the working class with the management class. When the factory owners closed their firms and fled to other countries, their workers and directors occupied nearby cafes and park benches. When they were sitting idly on the streets, they were discussing how to improve their life and situation of their country, doomed to fail. The employees of such abandoned factories as Zanon looked at the gates melancholically. They spent most of their lives in those factories. Finally they made up their minds. They entered the grounds of their empty and devastated factories, started the machines and began production out of the materials which were still in the warehouses. The authorities and the army looked at that almost communist-like behaviour of the people in a friendly manner. Soon department managers, office clerks and economic directors joined the turners, polishers and warehouse men. In the record-breaking time sales and export were initiated.

There were no fixed hours of work. The decisions concerning their factories were taken by the people during short production meetings. It turned out that the production is profitable and needed. What had not been profitable for globalists started to be such for common people without the help from banks and financial cartels. Soon production and sales reached their record levels in some factories. The people shared the profit with one another. They had never earned such sums of money before. So, they started to spend them. Thus building industry and other branches of industry got moving. All that happened so quickly that America did not even have enough time to declare Argentina a communist country.

The Movement of Unemployed Workers (MTD) was established. Soon this organisation had the power to influence politics. And that was yet another mystery of the Argentinian miracle. The rats come back The situation of Argentina began to improve. Globalists and factory owners began to come back and demand a return of their factories taken over by the people. Those who had left the country on the verge of a civil war 3 years before, now have some claims quoting international laws. Does that remind the Poles of something? MTD, which was created almost literally on the streets, is strong. The organization is threatening with mass demonstrations. The ceramics factory, Zanon, the first one to be taken over by its workers and revived to the state of a profitable works, has become a symbol of the new and better, like Gdansk Shipyard used to be for Poles. MTD is considered by CIA and other similar organizations as a group which managed to create the most modern strategies and solutions how to unite and defend people from capitalism. The returning rats from international financial circles are fighting back. Because Argentina constitutes a serious threat to the whole global economy, we should assume that if the USA wasn’t involved in Iraq now, the American soldiers would be defending their oil under the Argentinian grass in the name of democracy, or would be defending the freedom of their country there. Kirchner, new President of Argentina, demands the extradition of the ex-president Carlos Menem, who is in Chile. Menem is wanted by the Argentinian authorities for corruption and bringing the country to ruin. He planned to enter for the presidential election in 2007 and used to promise the factory owners to return their property. Of course, that is why he enjoys the support from international financiers and can afford to laugh at the orders and decisions of Argentinian courts of law. In January 2005 international bankers agreed to the proposal from the Argentinian government to be paid 25 cents for every dollar of the debt. An unseen thing happened – Argentina declared a war to IMF and several other globalist organizations and won. Argentina, protected by her own army, not only blackmailed the globalists, but also refused any negotiations with 700,000 holders of the state bonds. Argentina has an open way to be accepted back to the community of international societies from which she had been thrown away before. And she did it on her own conditions, as a full member, making decisions on her own. Many bankers and international investors accuse Argentina of totalitarism and cheating investors and lenders. It caused quarrels among big financiers, Italian and American among others, who claim that if it was not for 9/11, they would be talking to Argentinians in a different manner. Three months later IMF again began demanding a full payment of the debts. But Argentina was already strong enough being in economic co-operation with Brazil and China to show the bankers from Wall Street ‘the middle finger of her right hand’. Argentina started to prove to the world that about half of the creditors had already made a considerable profit on the Argentinian debts and that it was not fair that they should demand any more.
This opinion was exposed by Chinese and Indian media. By the way, Argentina showed in black and white how some people tried to bring the country to bankruptcy and what it meant in practice. The British ‘Guardian’ writes: ‘Three things worked for the benefit of Argentina. First, Kirchner’s card was strong thanks to the strong economy. Secondly, the truth about IMF was being revealed, that is why they wanted a quick settlement. Thirdly, Wall Street left Argentina just before the crisis and the negotiations were led by European banks. So the American Treasury was not pressed to play hard with Argentina. Also, they did not want Kirchner to make friends with a strong populist, President of Brazil, Lula. Now many indebted countries may follow Argentina’s footsteps – and show the globalists their behind. Including Poland. And that is what the financial circles fear most. A precedence was created. A relatively non-significant country, held up against the wall, defied the wide-spread slogans of democracy, law and free market. And she won – at least so far. There has emerged a big chance for other countries. Now, when the American army is involved in Iraq, they can get rid of the yoke. You only need to want it and go for it. Just like the citizens of Argentina did, regardless of their social function, possessions and education.

Alex Lech Bajan RAQport Washington DC mailto:office@raqport.com

Wednesday, July 22, 2009

Bajan Meble kolo Zielonej Gory Poland Polska

Bajan Meble kolo Zielonej Gory Poland Polska













































URBAN STYLE
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Bajan Meble
kolo Zielonej Gory Poland Polska
Kolo Zielonej Gory.
Marek i Anna Bajan/Krystyna Bajan
Ul.Rotowa 1
Poczta Racula 66004
Drzonkow k/Zielonej Gory
Poland 01148-68-3275-193
Email: office@raqport.com

Instalowanie gabinetow kuchnia/lazienka, sprawy remontowo budowlane lekkie. Instalacja kuchni i lazienek, skadanie mebli, czasami w Berlinie Germany install I dowoz z Berlina i do Berlina.

Internet/phone contact Worldwide

Alex Lech Bajan

CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993
FAX: 703-940-8300
EMAIL: alex@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com





Obok Drzonkow Osrodka Piecioboju Nowoczesnego
BAJAN MAREK 3-krotny mistrz Polski nauczyciel wf, trener, pięcioboista, olimpijczyk z Moskwy (1980).

BAJAN MAREK 3-krotny mistrz Polski nauczyciel wf, trener, pięcioboista, olimpijczyk z Moskwy (1980).

nauczyciel wf, trener, pięcioboista, olimpijczyk z Moskwy (1980).
Urodzony 29 lipca 1956 w Kraśniku Fabrycznym, w inteligenckiej rodzinie Mieczysława i Krystyny Kowal, absolwent Liceum Ogólnokształcącego (1975) i poznańskiej AWF (1985), gdzie odbył studia w zakresie wf i otrzymał tytuł magistra sportu, trener. Pięcioboista (178 cm, 68 kg), wychowanek Lotnika Warszawa (1973-1975) i trenera Bolesława Bogdana, w dalszej części kariery sportowej reprezentant stołecznej Legii (od 1976) i Lumelu Zielona Góra (od 1981). Miał opinię zawodnika o wyjątkowej pracowitości. Bardzo dobry jeździec, szermierz i pływak. Słabiej strzelał. Zbyt słabo biegał, żeby osiągnąć wyniki wybitne. 2-krotny mistrz Polski (1978, 1979). Na arenie międzynarodowej zadebiutował podczas MŚ juniorów w San Antonio (1977), gdzie zajął: 15 m. (ind.) i 5 m. (druż.). Olimpijczyk (1980). Po zakończeniu kariery sportowej - trener, najpierw tylko szermierki, a później pięcioboju (kobiet) w Niemczech (Berlin). Żonaty (Anna Stein też była pięcioboistką), ma troje dzieci: Agnieszkę (1982), Michała (1990) i Filipa (1993). Mieszka w Drzonkowie (rodzina),
Alex Lech Bajan
CEO
RAQport Inc.
2004 North Monroe Street
Arlington Virginia 22207
Washington DC Area
USA
TEL: 703-528-0114
TEL2: 703-652-0993

sms: 703-485-6619
Toll Free:1800-695-6200
EMAIL: sales@raqport.com
WEB SITE: http://raqport.com
Replacement for the SUN COBALT RAQ LINE
New Centos BluQuartz Virtualization and Cluster Web Servers

Określenie "zaścianek" w powszechnym odczuciu ma dziś wydźwięk pejoratywny. Kojarzy się ze zbytnim konserwatyzmem, zacofaniem. Gdy jednak przyjrzymy się dokładniej dziejom Polski - szczególnie jej ściany wschodniej - okaże się, że zaścianek był wielką szkołą patriotyzmu i demokracji, poszanowania pracy i wierności wartościom wypracowanym przez pokolenia.

Profesor Stanisław Pigoń we wstępie do "Pana Tadeusza" pisze o szlachcie zaściankowej jako o "najwartościowszym fundamencie narodowości". Niestety, świadomość tego jest wśród Polaków, także tych z Podlasia i wschodniego Mazowsza, słaba. Jednak w ostatnim czasie podejmowane są inicjatywy zmierzające do ukazania pozytywnych aspektów dziedzictwa, jakie zostało wypracowane przez wieki przez szlachtę zaściankową.
Gdy dziś przejeżdża się przez wioski - będące niegdyś szlacheckimi zaściankami - nie widać różnicy. Wszędzie obok nielicznych już domów drewnianych wyrastają nowoczesne budynki, przez wioski wiodą drogi asfaltowe, pobocza wykładane są chodnikami z kostki. Również w wyposażeniu domów królują nowoczesne meble, z obowiązkowymi meblościankami, dywany, telewizory, wideo. Tylko w niektórych, wstydliwie w sieni lub na strychu chowają się stare, ozdobne komody, obszerne szafy ze skrzypiącymi drzwiami, wielkie, rozsuwane stoły będące świadkami uroczystości rodzinnych, gromadzących liczne, wielopokoleniowe rodziny. Wanda Księżopolska, etnograf Muzeum Regionalnego w Siedlcach, w poszukiwaniu eksponatów do wystawy "W szlacheckim zaścianku" odwiedziła wiele domów. - W jednym gospodarstwie we wsi Jastrzębie Mroczki otwarto mi dom nieużywany od 20 lat, w którym znalazłam komplet mebli charakterystycznych dla dawnego domu szlacheckiego: komody, szafy, stoły. Niestety, wszystko zjedzone przez korniki - mówi.

Z godnością i honorem
Historię danej miejscowości najlepiej zacząć od poznania miejscowego cmentarza. W Gąsiorach - wiosce położonej między Radzyniem Podlaskim a Łukowem, z dala od głównej drogi, na zdecydowanej większości cmentarnych nagrobków widnieją nazwiska zakończone na -ski. Wiele z nich pochodzi od nazw wiosek rozrzuconych po bliższej i dalszej okolicy: Wierzchowski, Paskudzki, Rzymowski, Niewęgłowski, Karwowski, Grochowski, Borkowski... Inne nazwiska pojawiają się bardzo rzadko. - Gąsiory wraz z przylegającymi wioskami: Paskudami, Wierzchowinami, Rzymkami, były wioskami szlacheckimi, zamieszkałymi w całości lub w części przez dawną szlachtę zagrodową, od dawna zubożałą, majątkowo nieróżniącą się od chłopów, ale mającą swe odrębne obyczaje, chroniącą swą odrębność - tłumaczy proboszcz miejscowej parafii ks. Sylwester Borkowski.
Na Podlasiu i wschodnim Mazowszu istnieje wiele wiosek, w których większość mieszkańców stanowiła niegdyś szlachta zagrodowa, czyli zaściankowa. Jej liczebność dochodziła do 50-70 proc., w niektórych nawet 90-100 procent.
Wanda Księżopolska twierdzi, że mieszkańcy dawnych wsi szlacheckich obecnie z trudem dają się namówić na rozmowy o swym rodowodzie. Komunizm z jego nienawiścią do "panów", lata zakłamania odnośnie do roli szlachty zagrodowej, zmiana ustroju społecznego, przemieszczanie się i przemieszanie ludności, szczególnie migracja do miast, popularyzacja mediów i unifikacja kultury zrobiły swoje. - Podczas rozmów widać zażenowanie, niechęć do kontynuowania pewnych wątków - twierdzi Wanda Księżopolska.
- Młodzi teraz na to nie patrzą, ale za czasów naszej młodości było inaczej - wspominają mieszkańcy Paskud Bronisława i Kazimierz Próchniewiczowie. - Choć w Paskudach szlachta zagrodowa mieszkała obok chłopów, małżeństwa mieszane były rzadkością. Ba, chłopska młodzież nie mogła uczestniczyć w zabawach organizowanych w szlacheckich domach, szlachcianki, proszone do tańca przez chłopców włościańskich, odmawiały - opowiada pan Kazimierz.
Zanim szlachcic wdał się z kimś w rozmowę, najpierw wypytywał, czy jego rozmówca jest z wioski szlacheckiej, czy pochodzi z godnej rodziny. Dopiero potem wyciągał rękę na powitanie czy zabierał pieszego na furę, by go podwieźć.
"Awans" w postaci małżeństwa dziewczyny włościańskiej ze szlachcicem był we wsi doceniany. - Szlachcianka, która rozgoniła zabawę, bo się na niej pojawiłam, po moim ślubie zaczęła do mnie - wówczas niespełna 18-letniej dziewczyny - mówić "pani" - wspomina pani Klementyna Zabielska.
Bronisława Próchniewiczowa przyznaje, że szlacheccy małżonkowie odnosili się do siebie z wielkim szacunkiem. - Nasz sąsiad zawsze zwracał się do żony w trzeciej osobie: "Marynia zrobiła, Marynia pójdzie, Marynia niech weźmie" itd. - nawet podczas prac polowych. W mowie nie było przekleństw, wesela i zabawy odbywały się zazwyczaj bez pijaństwa i bójek - snuje swą opowieść pani Bronisława.
Ksiądz Sylwester Borkowski, który w swej parafii ma oprócz włościańskich dawne wioski szlacheckie, twierdzi, że do dziś zauważalne są zachowania charakterystyczne dla środowiska drobnoszlacheckiego. - Widoczne jest poczucie własnej godności i tożsamości. Ma to odzwierciedlenie na przykład w zwrotach grzecznościowych, tytułach, którymi wyrażany jest szacunek do drugiego człowieka. Nie widać u tych osób zafascynowania miastem, chęci ucieczki ze wsi. Tu czują się u siebie i na swoim. Wymagają też szacunku wobec siebie, indywidualnego traktowania - tłumaczy proboszcz parafii Gąsiory. Szczególny charakter mają spotkania przy stole; są one zazwyczaj starannie przygotowane, towarzyszy im szczególna obrzędowość. Ale widać też dystans do osób z dawnych wiosek włościańskich.

Awans o własnych siłach
Pochodzący z Paszk Dużych pan Wacław Zabielski nie pamięta, by w jego wiosce były konflikty, podziały na tle pochodzenia. Choć przyznaje, że cała wieś była szlachecka, a o jednym jej mieszkańcu, z nazwiskiem zakończonym nie na -ski, mówiono "przybłęda". O swym szlachectwie pan Wacław mówi z lekką nutą ironii, choć z opowieści o dawnych czasach wyłania się poważny obraz rodziny: z ust ojca nie padło jedno przekleństwo, nie stosował kar cielesnych wobec czterech synów. - Styl życia zależał nie od szlachectwa, ale zamożności. W biedniejszych rodzinach wszyscy, także dzieci, ciężko pracowali - wspomina pan Wacław. Bieda zmuszała wielu do szukania źródeł utrzymania w mieście.
- Już w XIX w. do siedleckich szkół furkami obładowanymi prowiantem ściągała młodzież z zaścianków. Potem młodzi ludzie po szkołach podejmowali pracę jako urzędnicy, oficjaliści we dworach, piastowali stanowiska publiczne. Młodzież z biedniejszych rodzin imała się zawodów rzemieślniczych - tłumaczy Wanda Księżopolska. Jaki był i jest tego efekt? W Siedlcach 70 proc. urzędników pochodziło z zaścianków szlacheckich. Znaczący procent alumnów w seminariach duchownych również stanowili potomkowie szlachty zagrodowej. Siedlce są miastem bardzo żywym intelektualnie i artystycznie, istnieją tu liczne, prężnie działające kluby literackie, wydawnictwa, odbywa się wiele inicjatyw o znaczeniu ogólnopolskim, a nawet międzynarodowym.
Żywość intelektualna jest cechą nie tylko Siedlec. Również np. o wiele mniejszy Radzyń Podlaski, otoczony niegdyś zaściankami, ma się czym pochwalić. W 16-tysięcznym mieście wydawane są cztery gazety: dwa tygodniki, dwutygodnik i kwartalnik kulturalny. Od kilku kadencji miasteczko ma 2-3 posłów do Sejmu. Działa tu wiele instytucji i stowarzyszeń społecznych, ich inicjatywy często mają charakter ponadlokalny.
- Ambicje, żywość umysłowa, kulturalna, zaradność i poczucie godności osobistej stały się dla wielu potomków szlachty zaściankowej motorem awansu społecznego. Choć nie zawsze zdają sobie sprawę ze swego dziedzictwa kulturowego i społecznego - podsumowuje Wanda Księżopolska.

Szlachectwo zobowiązuje
Pytanie: Skąd się wzięło szlachectwo?, powtarzają w rozmowach zarówno potomkowie włościan, jak i szlachty zagrodowej.
- Trudno się temu dziwić - twierdzi Krzysztof Tołwiński, wiceprezes PSL "Piast", były wicemarszałek województwa podlaskiego, wiceminister gospodarki w rządzie Jarosława Kaczyńskiego. I jednocześnie mieszkaniec Jasionówki koło Siemiatycz - zaścianka szlacheckiego, w którym stworzył Ośrodek Kultury Szlacheckiej. - W czasie zaborów szlachta zaściankowa była szczególnie represjonowana, szczyt represji przypadł na lata po Powstaniu Styczniowym. W czasie PRL władze komunistyczne bezlitośnie ją wydrwiwały - przypomina Krzysztof Tołwiński.
On sam o swym szlacheckim pochodzeniu dowiedział się, gdy miał 8 czy 9 lat. W szkole ktoś z pogardą rzucił w jego stronę: "Ty szlachcicu!". Co to znaczy, dowiedział się od dziadka. - Do dziś pamiętam jego wypowiedziane wówczas słowa: "Szlachectwo to coś, co ma się we krwi. To dostałeś od swoich przodków".
Co oznacza to dziedzictwo dla wschodniego Mazowsza i Podlasia? Jakie niesie ze sobą wartości i przesłanie?
Moi rozmówcy, znawcy przedmiotu, wśród najważniejszych wymieniają: patriotyzm, przywiązanie do ziemi i tradycji rodzinnych, poczucie własnej godności, honor szlachecki, religijność, silne związki rodzinne, nade wszystko zaś dziedzictwo demokracji tak powszechnej, jakiej nie było w Europie od czasów starożytnych Aten. Taki kanon wartości ukształtował się przez wieki.
- Zaścianek to osady, osiedla, przysiółki zamieszkiwane przy "ścianie", czyli przy granicy państwa - tłumaczy dr Irena Kotowicz-Borowy, kierownik Działu Etnograficznego Muzeum Szlachty Mazowieckiej w Ciechanowie, autorka m.in. publikacji "Honor to nie tylko słowo. Studium tożsamości kulturowej drobnej szlachty północnego Mazowsza" oraz wydawnictwa albumowego "Zaścianek. Siedliska drobnoszlacheckie na pograniczach". Już od czasów piastowskich książęta i królowie szczególnie zasłużonym wojom nadawali ziemie w pobliżu granicy wraz z tytułem szlacheckim, by się na niej osiedlali i strzegąc swych domostw jednocześnie bronili państwa przed wrogami "zza ściany". Politykę tę kontynuowali Jagiellonowie, dzięki czemu ziemie Podlasia, Podola, a także Litwę, Ukrainę i Białoruś, Wołyń zasiedliła drobna szlachta z Wielkopolski, Małopolski, Mazowsza, a nawet Śląska i Kujaw.
Rozrastanie się jednej rodziny i rozdrabnianie majątku protoplasty prowadziło do ubożenia szlachty zaściankowej. Jednak w Rzeczypospolitej Obojga Narodów warstwa ta miała inne źródła dochodu. Dorabiali się, jak to streścił Adam Mickiewicz w "Panu Tadeuszu": "w pańskich dworach/Lub w wojsku, na zajazdach, sejmikowych zborach".
Tu należy ponadto przypomnieć, że drobna szlachta cieszyła się pełnią praw obywatelskich, mogła decydować o losach kraju. "Szlachcic na zagrodzie równy wojewodzie" - głosiło znane do dziś przysłowie. Udział szlachty zaściankowej w życiu publicznym był niezwykle ważki z powodu masowości szlachectwa na Podlasiu. Podczas gdy na zachodzie Europy szlachta stanowiła od 2 do 6 proc. obywateli poszczególnych państw, na Podlasiu szlachty było, jak już wspominano, 50-90 procent.
- Szczególną zdobyczą i zasługą szlachty zaściankowej była demokratyzacja państwa, poczucie obywatelskości społeczeństwa - twierdzi Krzysztof Tołwiński. - Dziwię się współczesnym mówcom, którzy słowa "zaścianek" używają z tonem zaciekłości i pogardy, jako synonimu ciemnoty i zacofania.

Ostoja patriotyzmu
Patriotyzm kształtował się w czasie wojen, a tych nie brakło w dziejach Polski. - W historii każdej rodziny licznie występowali wojskowi różnych szarż. Byli to porucznicy, chorążowie, namiestnicy chorągwi pancernych, husarskich. Pełnienie służby dla Ojczyzny wytworzyło wysokie poczucie własnej godności, kształtowało głębokie odczuwanie patriotyzmu, honoru szlacheckiego - dodaje dr Irena Kotowicz-Borowy.
Szczególnie dramatyczny okazał się wiek XVII i XVIII, gdy przez ziemie Rzeczypospolitej przetaczały się wojska kozackie, tatarskie, tureckie, szwedzkie, moskiewskie.
Obraz ówczesnej szlachty zaściankowej zawarł Henryk Sienkiewicz w "Trylogii". Szczególnie bogato przedstawił ją w "Potopie", na przykładzie zaścianków otaczających majętność rodu Billewiczów. "Szlachta to była wojenna i w zawodzie rycerskim szczególnie rozmiłowana" - pisał. To właśnie ta szlachta - bitna, bohaterska, ale i rozważna, walczyła pod wodzą Wołodyjowskiego, wiernie opowiadała się wraz z nim za prawowitym władcą królem Janem Kazimierzem, stanowiła przeciwwagę zarówno dla zdradzieckich magnatów, jak i porywczego, wichrzycielskiego (przed przemianą duchową) Andrzeja Kmicica. W powieści Sienkiewicza ta warstwa, reprezentowana przez szlachtę laudańską, stanowi nośnik stałości, wierności, patriotyzmu.
Historycy zauważali, że drobna szlachta nie nosiła w sobie grzechów popełnianych przez magnatów (egoizmu, prywaty, anarchizmu), choć przejściowo ulegała ich wpływom, stawała się narzędziem ich ambicji i wichrzycielstwa. Joachim Lelewel w swym dziele "Polska, dzieje i rzeczy jej" pisał: "Powstawajmy na naszą oligarchię, na pany, na bezecne hrabie, narzekajmy na arystokratów, którzy obce wojska do kraju wprowadzili, co do rozszarpania Polski dzielnie się przyczynili, a nie poniewierajmy stanu drobnoszlacheckiego". Mimo chwilowych słabości ta "chudopacholska szlachta stanowi ostoję ducha narodowego, jest skarbnicą potencjalnego heroizmu". Romantyzm upatrywał w szlachcie zaściankowej - wolnej od wad wielkopańskich, ukształtowanej w szkole pracy, bliskiej ludu, ale mającej głęboką świadomość narodową - centrum odrodzenia Polski.
Egzamin z patriotyzmu szlachta zagrodowa zdała w okresie niewoli. - Uczucia patriotyczne charakteryzujące drobną szlachtę objawiały się szczególnie podczas zrywów narodowych, takich jak Powstanie Listopadowe, Styczniowe czy później Powstanie Warszawskie. Niepodległość Ojczyzny i jej wolność, a także wolność osobista stały u szlachty na pierwszym miejscu. Jako element bardziej oświecony, o wysokim wyrobieniu świadomości narodowej, drobna szlachta wyróżniała się pozytywnie już w Insurekcji Kościuszkowskiej - twierdzi dr Irena Kotowicz-Borowy. Drobną szlachtę widzimy nie tylko w powstańczych wojskach regularnych, ale także w oddziałach powstańczych i pospolitym ruszeniu.
- Ta warstwa zapłaciła największą cenę za walkę o niepodległość - dodaje Krzysztof Tołwiński.

Obrońcy Ojczyzny
W epoce porozbiorowej szlachta zaściankowa utraciła rolę obrońców rubieży oraz prawa obywatelskie. Nie mogła uczestniczyć w wyprawach wojennych ani w życiu publicznym. W ten sposób straciła rangę społeczną oraz źródła dodatkowych dochodów. Zubożała, codzienne zajęcia coraz bardziej upodobniały ją do chłopów. Zaborcy - zarówno Rosja, jak i Austria - widzieli w niej jedno z najbardziej niebezpiecznych środowisk oporu niepodległościowego.
Neutralizacji tej warstwy społecznej miały służyć weryfikacja przywilejów szlacheckich. Zarówno car Rosji, jak i cesarz Austrii dążyli do udowodnienia, że szlachta posiadająca od XIV-XVI w. nadania królewskie dysponuje ziemią tylko na zasadach dożywotniej dzierżawy. Cesarz po śmierci dzierżawcy stawał się właścicielem ziemi i sprzedawał ją w obce ręce, głównie osadnikom z Czech, Niemiec oraz Żydom. - W ten sposób realizowano plany rozbicia hermetycznych zaścianków drobnoszlacheckich, silnych przez więzy krewniacze i sąsiedzkie, jakie ich od wieków łączyły - twierdzi I. Kotowicz-Borowy. - Proces udowadniania szlachectwa był bardzo trudny, trwał niekiedy kilkanaście lat, wiązał się z dużymi kosztami - mówi Wanda Księżopolska. Wielu jednak podejmowało starania o potwierdzenie swego szlachectwa. Ostatecznie jedynie 10 proc. szlachty zaściankowej spełniło stawiane wymagania i uzyskało dyplomy.
Ci, którzy nie mogli się wylegitymować dyplomem, obracani byli w zaciężne chłopstwo albo stosowano wobec nich wysiedlenia. O ich skali może świadczyć fakt, że na Litwie i Rusi w latach 1832-1850 w głąb Rosji zostało wysiedlonych 55 tys. przedstawicieli drobnej szlachty. Sam ten fakt - szczególnie zaciekłe tępienie szlachty zaściankowej przez carat - najdobitniej świadczy o wartości tej warstwy społecznej. "Musi tam być życie, gdzie Moskal tnie siekierą" - pisał Mickiewicz.
Kolejne powstania narodowe przynosiły kolejne etapy martyrologii szlachty zaściankowej uczestniczącej w zrywach niepodległościowych. Trzeba zaznaczyć, że kary za udział w powstaniu były wyższe dla szlachty niż dla przedstawicieli innych warstw społecznych. Ponieważ uzyskanie dyplomu szlachectwa łączyło się z przysięgą na wierność carowi, walka narodowowyzwoleńcza traktowana była przez państwa zaborcze jako zdrada.
Represje ze strony zaborców nie niszczyły patriotyzmu i pragnienia wolności, ale je umacniały. Rusyfikacja prowadzona we wszystkich sferach życia wyzwalała opór, wzmagała patriotyzm, co obrazowo przedstawił Żeromski w "Syzyfowych pracach".
Mówiąc o szlachcie zaściankowej, nie sposób nie wspomnieć o obrazie tej warstwy społecznej, jaki przedstawiła Eliza Orzeszkowa w powieści "Nad Niemnem". Zaścianek Bohatyrowiczów nie tylko emanuje cnotami staropolskimi, ale także reprezentuje ideały ważne dla pozytywistów: społeczną użyteczność, szacunek dla pracy. U Orzeszkowej to właśnie środowisko jest, jakby to określił Mickiewicz, "arką przymierza między dawnymi a nowymi laty", syntezą, o którą modlił się Krasiński w "Psalmie Miłości": "Jeden tylko, jeden cud: z szlachtą polską, polski lud" - nośnikiem narodowych wartości i źródłem, z którego promieniują one na inne warstwy społeczne - także na resztę szlachty.
Wanda Księżopolska zwraca również uwagę na fakt, że szlachta zaściankowa wyróżniała się religijnością. W wielu domach jak relikwie przechowywane są dawne egzemplarze Pisma Świętego i książeczek do nabożeństwa. Szczególnie celebrowano uroczystości religijne. Uczestniczono w procesach, odpusty gromadziły całe rodziny. - Wysoka religijność drobnej szlachty wyrażała się nie tylko w postawach, ale również ma swoje zmaterializowane oblicze w postaci licznych krzyży i kapliczek, co do dzisiaj oznacza sakralizację przestrzeni zamieszkałej przez ród szlachecki i powierzenie jej opiece Boskiej - dodaje dr Irena Kotowicz-Borowy.

Korzenie są ważne
Wiele z przedstawionych cech - świadomość swego stanu, duma, szlachetność w relacjach międzyludzkich, silne więzy rodzinne, religijność - przetrwało kolejne burze dziejowe, zachowało się niemal do naszych czasów. Także za wschodnią granicą, gdzie przez kolejne lata żywioł polski i drobnoszlachecki poddawany był okrutnym represjom ze strony państwa sowieckiego. - Większość przedstawicieli rodów drobnoszlacheckich mieszkających obecnie na terenie Ukrainy, Białorusi czy Litwy rozumie polską mowę. Nieomal każda z tamtejszych rodzin drobnoszlacheckich ma bliskich krewnych w kraju, utrzymuje z nimi kontakt - mówi dr Irena Kotowicz-Borowy.
W ostatnich latach widać wzrost zainteresowania swymi korzeniami wśród młodszych pokoleń. - Coraz większej wagi nabiera dochodzenie genealogii rodów i potwierdzanie swojej rodowitości, a więc szlacheckiej tożsamości w dokumentach - mówi I. Kotowicz-Borowy. Dodać należy, że pojawiają się publikacje na temat szlachty zaściankowej, powstają stowarzyszenia mające na celu kultywowanie tradycji i wartości szlacheckich, zespoły taneczne mają w swych repertuarach tańce szlacheckie.
Szczególną inicjatywę podjął Krzysztof Tołwiński, wiceprezes białostockiego oddziału Związku Szlachty Polskiej. W Jasionówce koło Siemiatycz stworzył Ośrodek Kultury Szlacheckiej, organizuje i współorganizuje imprezy nawiązujące do tradycji szlacheckich: Wystawę Koni Hodowlanych, Hubertusa. - Związki mojej rodziny z tutejszym zaściankiem liczą już ponad 350 lat. Wierność Ojczyźnie, poczucie obowiązku jej obrony moi przodkowie okupili niejednokrotnie krwią, zsyłkami, konfiskatami - tłumaczy K. Tołwiński. - Trzeba dziś, po tylu latach zakłamania, jasno powiedzieć, że zaścianki szlacheckie były ośrodkami kultury i patriotyzmu. Odnajdywanie szlacheckich korzeni, nawiązywanie do rodzinnych tradycji to nie poszukiwanie rodowodów i herbów, by się nimi szczycić, ale przyjęcie na siebie obowiązku służenia Ojczyźnie, kierowanie się poczuciem odpowiedzialności i honoru. Szlacheckość to polskość, obywatelskość, zobowiązanie do służby.

Saturday, July 4, 2009

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